Most asidic communities are in fact closed to outsiders—meaning that even other Jews cannot join the specific sect if they were not born into its lineage.
This clannishness has been a public relations nightmare for some groups.
Growing Up Hasidic: Education and Socialization in the Bobover Hasidic Community (1985); Kaufman, Debra. Women and Music in Cross-Cultural Perspective (1987); Lubavitch Educational Foundation for Jewish Marriage Enrichment.
Tradition in a Rootless World (1991); El-Or, Tamar. “Chassidus Study for Girls.” Di Yiddishe Heim 15 (1967): 11–13; Kamen, Robert.By the early 1970s, when feminist criticism of ultra-Orthodox Judaism’s role for women placed the Lubavitcher movement on the defensive, a spectrum of skilled women writers were ready to answer in kind.A variety of books on the asidic woman’s role and belief system appeared to confront feminist calls for change.asidim—ultra-Orthodox Jews belonging to sectarian communities, worshiping and working as followers of specific rebbes—they are set apart from assimilated, mainstream American Jews.But as women in a subculture primarily defined by male religious studies, rituals, and legal obligations, they are also set apart from asidism, as a radical movement of Judaism, emerged from the teachings of Israel ben Eliezer (the Ba’al Shem Tov, or Besht, 1698–1760) in eighteenth-century Poland, spreading throughout Eastern Europe and giving rise to a variety of regional sects.In the mid-1990s, several outstanding court challenges by the Satmar Hasidic communities of Monsey and Kiryas Joel in upstate New York called for greater religious autonomy and separation from outside control.